Fox in the Chicken Coop: SGS in Haiti, Outsourcing Customs Tax Collection
by Dady Chery
Haitian President Michel Martelly,
along with dozens of cabinet ministers and members of the
private business sector, went on a European tour from Oct.
27 to Nov. 2, 2014, to promote the notion that Haiti is
“open for business” with Europe. We are beginning to get a
glimpse of the kind of business they had in mind: a fire
sale of Haitian sovereignty itself.
On Nov. 13, 2014, Haiti’s Senate
committees on Finance, Justice, and on Public Works,
Transport, Communications, Energy and Mines, were delivered
a letter that calls for an investigation into the
circumstances under which a contract was granted that allows
control of all customs tariffs of the Republic of Haiti by a
foreign company for 10 years. The alleged contract was entered into
by Haiti’s Minister of Economy and Finance, Marie Carmelle
Jean-Marie, with the Société Générale de Surveillance SA (SGS),
which bills itself as “the world's leading
Inspection,verification, testing, and certification
company.”
The correspondence to the Senate committees was
drafted by Haitian lawyers Newton Louis St. Juste and André
Michel, who consider the alleged contract with SGS to be corrupt.
They have alerted the press of their action. The two lawyers
feel that a scandalous agreement has been entered into under
opaque circumstances that merit the scrutiny of Haiti’s
Senate because:
1. A history of
corruption surrounds
contracts between Haiti and SGS. The Senate Committee on
Public Works, Transport, Communications, Energy and Mines,
chaired by the Honorable Senator Jean William Jeanty,
recommended, in an April 2013 report, the dismissal of
Conseil National de Télécommunications (CONATEL) Director
General, Jean-Marie Guillaume, because of irregularities and
corruption regarding a contract on Sep. 19, 2011 with SGS
about collection of funds on incoming international calls.
2. The contract violates Haitians’ right to information. According
to Article 40 of the
1987 Constitution: “The
State has the obligation to publicize in the oral, written
and televised press in the Creole and French languages all
laws, orders, decrees, international agreements, treaties,
and conventions on everything affecting the national life,
except for information concerning national security.”
3. The contract violates Haitian sovereignty. This contract, which
grants control of all customs to a foreign company for 10
years, represents a serious violation of Haiti’s
sovereignty. It is symptomatic of the wish of those in power
to
sell off the country’s
scarce
resources and weakened
structures for the profit of corrupt private interests, the
lawyers said.
The correspondence to Minister of Economy and
Finance, Marie Carmelle Jean-Marie calls for an immediate
stop to the finalization of this agreement, under penalty of
criminal prosecution for corruption and related offenses. A
similar action is underway in Switzerland, with regard to
SGS Chief Executive Officer, Chris Kirk.
The Société Générale de Surveillance SA is a
multinational company based in Geneva, Switzerland, that
provides pre-shipment inspection services (PIS) to about 50
developing nations, including 22 out of 23 African
countries. The list of these countries essentially matches
the list of the world’s most corrupt regimes. The SGS
inspects, verifies, and certifies the quantity and quality
of goods traded by these countries in a sort of outsourcing
of tax collection that is a throwback to the middle ages.
Although the idea is that these countries’ nationals are too
corrupt to be entrusted with tax collection, the PIS system
itself is rife with corruption.
One quarter of SGS’ voting stock is controlled by the
family of German multi-billionaire Baron August von Finck;
another quarter is controlled by the Agnelli family, the
Italian owners of the Fiat Group (by way of Sequana,
previously called Worms & Cie: a French private equity firm
that the Agnellis acquired in 1990; and SwissLife,
Switzerland’s top insurance company). Among SGS’ influential
friends in the United States are former CIA Director R.
James Woolsey, who listed the company as being one of his
key clients when he practiced law from 1991 to 1993, and
again when he returned to private practice from 1995 to
2003. [According to whistleblower Robert Dougal Watt, a
former auditor at the European Court of Auditors, all the
other companies which Woolsey represented during his years
practicing as a private lawyer
were NATO-based arms manufacturers,
except SGS. - HL]
As of 2013, SGS had over 80,000 employees worldwide
and revenues of more than $6 billion per year. [Even the
figures provided by SGS on its website create suspicion due
to their inconsistency. For example, one part of the SGS
site says: “With
more than
70,000 employees,
SGS operates a network of over
1,350 offices and laboratories around the world”, while elsewhere it
says “With
more than
80,000 employees,
we operate a network of more than
1,650 offices and
laboratories around the world.” - HL]
SGS was rocked by a major scandal in 1998 when
accused of paying $15 million in bribes to Pakistani
government officials in return for contracts. Contracts
between Pakistan and SGS were dropped, and the company
retaliated with a lawsuit. It took more than five years to
reach a settlement, with both parties withdrawing their
claims. Meanwhile SGS lost its contracts, at least
temporarily, with the Philippines, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia,
Angola, Indonesia, and Paraguay because of investigations
that caused yet more allegations of corruption to surface.
Ultimately, one of SGS’ former employees was indicted for
disbursing alleged commissions of 6% to 10% of
Pakistan’s customs tax revenues, via Geneva lawyer Jens
Schlegelmilch, to Benazir Bhutto and her family.
Thus it appears that SGS likes to go straight to the
top for its business deals. The current contract being
considered with Haiti will likely make some officials in the
current occupation regime extremely rich and might
administer a fatal blow to Haitian sovereignty. It hardly
matters who will be (s)elected to replace Martelly. In an
island nation like Haiti, whoever controls the ports
controls everything.
This
article was first published on the site
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