The international press and some
observers have trumpeted that Haiti’s Oct. 25 elections
were a success. However, most Haitians would probably
disagree, because they did not vote.
In a random survey of the results at 76 voting
bureaus in seven different voting centers around
Port-au-Prince,
Haïti Liberté found that only 14.7% of voters came
to the polls. There were also clear indications of
fraudulent voter tallies.
Voting centers had from dozens to hundreds of
representatives from Haiti’s 128 registered political
parties milling about and often squabbling with voting
bureau personnel. Known as
mandataires,
these mostly paid representatives outnumbered voters at
most centers.
It is true that there appears to have been less
violence than occurred during the Aug. 9 first round of
legislative contests, which were marred by mayhem,
blatant intimidation, and fraud. But the level of
violence during a vote cannot be the sole or even
principal criteria for its success. Participation, calm,
order, and transparency are equally important, and these
were all lacking.
Haiti’s highly contested Provisional Electoral
Council (CEP) says that the Aug. 9 election had only an
18% turnout, with only 6% in Port-au-Prince. Some
observers say the true national turnout was much lower,
closer to 5%.
The Oct. 25 election consisted of the legislative
run-off, plus the first round for 54 presidential
candidates and some 41,000 municipal races, mainly for
142 mayoral seats. Therefore, with the stakes much
higher, why did turnout remain relatively low?
After the violence of Aug. 9 and during the days
leading up to Oct. 25 (such as
the killing of over 20 people
in Cité Soleil the weekend before), many voters were
afraid to venture out and vote.
Furthermore, many sectors of Haitian society,
like the party Dessalines Coordination (KOD), boycotted
the elections because they feel they are rigged and
cannot be free, fair, and sovereign election with
President Michel Martelly in power and Haiti under
military occupation by 5,000 troops of the UN Mission to
Stabilize Haiti (MINUSTAH).
“There is the question of moral violence,” said
Oxygène David of the popular organization Movement for
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity Among Haitians
(MOLEGHAF). “The Haitian people’s democracy and
sovereignty are being trampled by foreign imperialists
who have taken over our electoral process, putting in
whomever they please. This is maybe less visible to some
than the killing which involves blood, but it is just as
terrible.”
Long-time Haitian democracy activist Patrick Elie
also did not vote, calling the elections “a comedy.”
“The elections in Haiti are becoming just like
those in the U.S.,” he told
Haïti Liberté.
“It is money that decides the election, not the people.”
But perhaps the largest factor in voter
disenfranchisement are the U.S.-inspired restrictions on
how Haitians can vote. In the U.S., tens of thousands of
poor and working-class voters, many of them black and
Latino, are barred from voting rolls by restrictions
against felons. Something similar is done in Haiti.
Haiti’s working poor are mobile, constantly on
the move looking for work from town to town. Many are
also small merchants and hawkers, who must travel great
distances to sell their wares.
For instance, a metal worker named Peterson from
Aux Cayes, interviewed by
Haïti Liberté,
found himself in Port-au-Prince putting iron grills on a
house around election day, so he could not travel home
to vote.
“I hope I get to vote in the run-off,” he said.
Multiply this situation by hundreds of thousands,
and one starts to get the picture.
“Voting was much easier and logical in the
historic 1990 election which brought Jean-Bertrand
Aristide to power for the first time,” explained KOD
leader Henriot Dorcent. “In that election, which was
organized by Haitians without international direction
like today, one registered to vote a month or two before
the election, and then you went to the same place to
vote. There was huge participation. Now you can only
vote in the town where you got your electoral card. Then
you go to these confusing, crowded voting centers with
dozens of voting bureaus. Many people cannot get home to
vote, many cannot travel the distance or navigate their
way to the correct voting center, and many cannot find
their names on the huge lists outside the voting
centers.”
Despite their supposed success, the Oct. 25
elections had many confrontations and irregularities. So
far, two days after the polling, the police have
reported making 234 arrests, and voting centers and
election materials were destroyed.
In the northern town of Au Borgne, elections were
cancelled even before they began because unidentified
vandals destroyed voting materials.
In Poirier, a locality of St. Marc, voting
operations was also suspended following an altercation
between two individuals and a police officer.
In Cap Haïtien, the Dessalines Children party of
former Sen. Moïse Jean-Charles found a box of uncounted,
discarded ballots for their candidate, which were taken
to the city’s courthouse. The party alleges that the
government’s party tried to destroy the ballots.
There was also trouble in Jacmel and the
Artibonite Valley, where there were early arrests. Among
the irregularities observers noted, some voters refused
to allow poll-workers to apply indelible ink on their
thumb, mandataires would not respect the electoral law and had shouting
matches with CEP officials, some
mandataires
voted several times, some polling station workers
themselves did not understand or apply the CEP's
instructions regarding accreditation credentials of
mandataires
and the rotation process, and thousands of voters could
not find their names on the electoral lists.
In Petit Goâve, there was conflict between the
partisans of two candidates for deputy: Jacques
Stevenson Thimoléon of Martelly’s Bald Headed Haitian
Party (PHTK) and Germain Fils Alexandre of former
president René Préval’s Vérité platform. Heavy gunfire
was heard around 10 a.m. near the voting center at the
National School of Brothers, where a crowd accosted
Thimoléon as he went to vote. Tensions then grew when
Thimoléon spent too long in the polling station,
according to some voters who were waiting in line. Then
Thimoléon partisans are reported to have fired on the
crowd, sparking panic. Earlier that morning, there had
been disturbances in three localities of the 7th
communal section of Petit Goâve: Vialet, Marose, and
Delates. The Haitian National Police (PNH), which,
unlike Aug. 9, were quick to intervene in cases of fraud
or disorder, arrested about 30 people in Petit Goâve
alone. They jailed for the day armed Thimoléon
supporters trying to take material from polling
stations.
In the capital’s northern suburb of Tabarre,
police arrested two PHTK
mandataires at
the National School of Tabarre voting center at Tabarre
27. At the Jean-Marie Vincent Highschool voting center
also in Tabarre, where former president Jean-Bertrand
Aristide and Lavalas Family (FL) presidential candidate
Maryse Narcisse voted together amidst a media crush and
crowd frenzy, the police arrested Joris Duroselin, who
took four ballots from voting bureau (BV) #49 and then
returned to try to stuff the ballot box. The BV
President and observers called the police to arrest him,
drawing a huge crowd. He wore a pink plastic bracelet, a
sign of support for President Martelly.
In Delmas, at the Father Froisset Mixed
Institution voting center, police arrested a man with
fake party representation credentials. Also, 100 voters
were unable to find their names on the electoral roll at
the National School of Beudot voting center.
In Cité Soleil, at the St. Anne’s School voting
center, police arrested a man wearing a T-shirt
identifying him as an election observer and equipped
with several party mandates. The elections were
disrupted on Aug. 9, security at St. Anne’s, so security
was reinforced by heavily armed officers from the PNH’s
Corps for Intervention and Maintenance of Order (CIMO).
Also in Cité Soleil, some voters were denied
entry to the voting center at the St. Vincent of Paul
School Cultural Center, which caused great tension
between them and the PNH.
“We had a difficult time this morning,” one
policeman told Haïti Liberté in a crowded St. Vincent of Paul voting bureau in the
early afternoon. “Things were getting out of hand but
now have settled down.”
From Haïti Liberté’s
random sampling in Port-au-Prince, it seems that four
presidential candidates are in the lead of the reduced
polling. Engineer Jude Célestin, Préval’s candidate for
the Unity (Inite) platform in 2010, whom Washington
pushed out of the run-off, overruling Haiti’s CEP, in
favor of Martelly. Banana exporter Jovenel Moïse, known
as “nèg banann,” the candidate of Martelly’s party,
whose campaign has had the most and largest signs and
posters around the country. Maryse Narcisse, the
Aristide-endorsed candidate of the Lavalas Family party.
And former senator Moïse Jean-Charles of the Dessalines
Children, a break-off from the Lavalas Family.
Some voting bureaus’ tally sheets suggested fraud. For
example, among the 56 BVs at the Elie Dubois National
School voting center, the average participation was
12.3%, that is 56 people of the 470 that could vote.
However, at voting bureaus #3 and #40, the tally sheets
(procès verbal) reported that some 30.2% (142) and 27.9%
(131) of the electors cast ballots respectively. One
candidate received 82 votes at the first voting bureau
and 40 votes at the second, while the four leading
candidates generally received only between 7 to 19 votes
at every neighboring voting bureau, with rarely more
than a 5 point difference between them.
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