For the past 67 weeks,
Haïti
Liberté columnist Catharine Charlemagne has written
in French a series of articles entitled “Haiti,
Chronicle of an Electoral Crisis.” We present here the
English translation of her report from last week’s Aug.
19 edition.
"Even if Haitian leaders had a hundred years and a hundred billion
dollars to prepare for the elections, the result would
have been the same. It is not a question of time or
resources. It is a question of incompetence." This
is how a member of a group of international observers,
with whom I monitored Haiti’s election day on Sun., Aug.
9, 2015, summed up the fiasco.
Indeed, what happened in Haiti on Aug. 9 was
surreal. It was a totally incomprehensible, even
disgusting, event that we witnessed that day. Even the
November 2010 elections, which Haitians often qualify as
the worst this country has ever known, were not at this
level of disorganization, incompetence, violence, and
underdevelopment.
The National Network for the Defense of Human
Rights (RNDDH), the National Observation Council (CNO)
and the Haitian Council of Non State Actors (CONHANE)
observed the Aug. 9 voting. These non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) were appalled at what they
witnessed during the election day. According to these
three NGOs, the nation’s most credible, the
irregularities, incidents of fraud, and numerous cases
of violence cannot in any way be qualified as
spontaneous acts. They are convinced that there was a
will to harm, destroy, and intimidate the population.
That is also my opinion based on the observations I made
in the field.
I was present for the November 2010 elections. I
even had a badge of an election assessor. So I was at
the heart of events. I witnessed, like everyone else,
the desire of those in power at the time to monopolize
the election. But there was never an effort on the part
of those who wanted to win the elections at any cost to
prevent citizens from accessing their voting centers and
polling stations to fulfill their civic duty.
A desire to fill the ballot box on behalf of the
government’s candidate, certainly; but no overt gestures
to spoil the vote. But Sun., Aug. 9, 2015 was the
opposite. We witnessed a takeover of the ballot boxes by
violence . From the start, the desire and will that
everything go wrong were visible from almost all
political parties and candidates. And therein lies the
paradox of this election. Some of the government, part
of the opposition, some local and foreign organizations,
and much of the population did not really want this
election.
The Provisional Electoral Council (CEP), led by
its President Pierre-Louis Opont, was desperate to
complete this first electoral operation, just to prove
to the world that he would keep his word. However,
higher up everything was planned for this to be a real
fiasco. Worse than that, an electoral disaster. Voting
bureaus and centers were poorly marked. There were no
passes or almost none for observers from opposition
parties. There were often no observers. Security was
poor. The police were passive to and sometimes an
accomplice in violence. In short, there was no visible
technical organization that would allow one to believe
that a vote was possible that day.
Living through this Aug. 9, 2015 was like living through
five years. This time I was not an assessor. I had
arranged weeks earlier to go everywhere with a group of
European electoral observers, which allowed me to pass
as one of them. I don’t know how but these observers,
who include some of my sources, provided me with
everything needed to be able to accompany them
everywhere. So I experienced this election from the
inside and as it happened.
The first flaw in the system was at
the entrance to the voting centers, where no one really
checked the authenticity of badges worn by international
observers. Anyone could claim the title of local or
international election observer. It was enough that the
group leader show up and announce that we were
international observers, then show his badge, and after
a furtive glance from the head of the polling center,
voilà! Even if we had 1,000 or 2,000 members in our
group, we would have all passed without any problem.
This was the first anomaly that I marked in my notebook.
The second problem of observing this election:
observers had nothing to observe. They could simply note
the failure of a society to meet any norm. No rules. No
order. The atmosphere around all the polling places bore
proof that there was nothing serious in what the Haitian
authorities call electoral process, elections, and,
lastly, a vote. In fact, everything was wrong.
Everything was laughable. Everything was childish.
Everything was sad for a people who have celebrated
their bicentennial 11 years ago.
In Haiti, there are only fancy titles that in the
end merely hide people’s greed for money. The smallest
primary activity is led by a gaggle of leaders: Director
General, Technical Director, Operations Manager, Service
Manager, Human Resources Manager, Director this,
Director that. In the final analysis, it is for nothing
and a waste of money.
On Aug. 9th, 2015, at 5:30 a.m. we started
visiting the streets and polling stations in
Port-au-Prince and its surrounding areas. Since most
international observers seem to stay in hotels in
Pétionville, we do not know why, a lot of them, as if by
chance, chose to start their election adventure in the
City of Alexandre Pétion. It is better lit, cleaner,
more stylish without doubt. But it is also closer to
their base, “just in case...” One cannot but notice the
obsession of these "tourists" who come every five years
to stay close to their embassies or ambassadors’
residences.
Another anomaly that should be emphasized is the
deployment of election observers. They all stick
together for safety reasons, they say.
From Pétion-Ville to the center of the Haitian
capital, we saw things that no country in the world
would dare consider acceptable in an election. One
example among a thousand others: personally, I vote in a
polling station located in Turgeau, where I have always
voted in each election. Of course, I was accompanied by
our group of observers from the European Union. Arriving
at the scene, the cacophony, the hubbub, incivility, the
organized disorder by candidates of all parties without
distinction, the impotence of the security forces were
such that some of the group were frightened and refused
to get out of the car. This especially because these
Europeans did not understand a word of what the
demonstrators were yelling in Creole. Initially, they
thought it was a riot. Since the day before, there were
rumors that the country would be ablaze on Sunday
morning. There was also a rumor that there would be a
curfew in metropolitan Port-au-Prince starting at 8 p.m.
on Sat., Aug. 8.
Curiously, there was no denial from the
government saying that it had never been a question of
preventing the public from going about its business,
that no curfew was planned. But the damage was done.
After Sat., Aug. 8, at 7 p.m., there was nobody in the
streets. The capital and its suburbs were emptied of
their inhabitants. The population remained at home.
Ditto for Sunday, when there were very few people in the
streets. Except thugs who wanted to do battle with those
who wanted to vote.
Back to our friends and our election observers at
the Turgeau polling station. Being Haitian, I gathered
up my courage. I went in to inquire with people running
everywhere. We learned that the few people present in
front of the voting center did not find their names on
the list. Others, however, had found their names, but
were not on the voter list. This created an atmosphere
of revolt in this area of Turgeau. The two police
officers assigned to this center, consisting of several
voting stations, preferred to take shelter under a tree
far away from the site.
Finally some observers accompanied me and helped
me find my name on the posted list outside. Good news,
every letter of our name was there. I could now enter to
perform the supreme act of citizenship: voting. Except
that, once inside the voting station, duly accompanied
by our observer friends doing their observing work, it
was impossible to vote. My name was not written anywhere
on the voter lists. Now, if you are not on this list,
you cannot vote. In a small cramped room where the heat
and stench were stifling, the tension was quickly rising
between the few voters there and those who were in
charge of the famous voter lists. Just as someone was
telling us that my name might be on the list at the
Sylvio Cator Stadium voting center, down in the city, as
the people outside were punching it out, someone outside
the building made use of his firearm. Panic, screams,
stampedes. Everyone, including national and
international observers, dove face down on the ground.
Then, someone who could not perform his civic
duty decided simply to get everyone out of the polling
center and close it before leaving quietly with the
keys. "If
Pierre-Louis Opont needs the key to this polling
station, he can come to my home to get it," he said,
smiling and disappearing into the crowd in front of the
building without anyone reacting. It was not up to the
observers to react, they were there to take notes. Ten
minutes later, people were still talking all over the
street and in the building's courtyard, yelling at each
other. Fights ensued between members of the closed
polling stations and those visibly excited and pleased
with the closing of the polling center and seeking to
brawl. Like visitors disembarking from the Planet Mars,
four police officers arrived at the scene armed to the
teeth. But there was no one to arrest and the polling
center remained closed throughout the rest of the
polling day.
At noon we left the place. From Turgeau, our team
responded to an emergency on the Champ de Mars. On the
radio, it was announced that things are going very badly
in a polling center at the National School not far from
the recently renovated Ciné-Theatre Triomphe. Once we
got there, the security forces were present. We were a
few meters from the Haitian presidential offices. The
Port-au-Prince Police station is a short distance away.
But the police presence did not deter the rioters and
their leaders from disrupting the smooth conduct of the
vote. Ballots and ballot boxes littered the floor of the
polling stations out into the street and the walls of
the Triomphe. Potential voters kept their distance. The
operation was suspended. The polling center was not
closed, people wanted to vote but the polling station
members were afraid.
The police tried to clear the front of the center
whose leaders awaited the CEP’s orders on what to do.
Meanwhile, time passed.
Finally we went to the Sylvio Cator Stadium
Center where in theory I was supposed to vote. Luckily,
my name was indeed displayed. This time, I could not
even get into the polling station. Supporters of the
[Martelly-aligned parties] PHTK and Bouclier candidates
barred the way. They let in who they wanted. You had to
prove that you would vote for their parties if you
wanted a chance to enter. When we arrived, there were
Haitian observers on site known to be critical of the
government who were confronting these fanatics imposing
their law. Visibly armed and afraid of no one, these
supporters of parties close to the government, no doubt
paid for their services, obeyed only themselves. The
Sylvio Cator Stadium Voting Center, like most other
centers or polling stations in the Port-au-Prince
region, was unable to allow people to vote correctly.
Therefore, I was not able to vote on Sun., Aug. 9, 2015.
Who in Haiti would be surprised by this organized mess
on Aug. 9? Honestly, nobody. No condition was met for
this election to go well.
It was enough to visit one voting center to
understand that there was no election and that the
country as a whole had only witnessed an electoral sham
that shames Haitians.
The worst is that the very evening of this
so-called election, without taking any step back, all
the leaders who were co-responsible for this charade
went to their podiums without embarrassment, puffed out
their chests, and cried victory. How can we talk of
acceptable elections faced with such a farce?
That the international community wanted to talk
of “progress” and to look the other way because this is
its failure, is understandable. After all, it has
nothing to lose because its credit with the Haitian
population, for a long time now and it knows it, is at
zero. It seeks to cover its failure to establish a
reliable democratic system in Haiti over the past 30
years, that's its problem. And some even say that it’s
claiming victory is the least of the problem.
But where it becomes criminal is to see with what
pride and assurance Haitian electoral and government
leaders talk about success and qualify as satisfactory
what is the worst election ever organized in Haiti.
Haitian leaders are wicked and criminals with no respect
for their countrymen if they consider what happened on
Aug. 9 as something good, just, and moral for Haiti’s
people.
In the old tradition, the blame fell on others.
The whole country was shocked when the CEP President,
Pierre-Louis Opont, clumsily attempted to blame an
unfortunate head of the CEP’s IT services as the culprit
for the CEP’s failure to organize a good election.
The poor scapegoat, Joseph Hébert Lucien,
employed for seven long years by the CEP, found himself
at the center of a plot whose explanation insults one’s
intelligence. By publicly accusing this low-level
staffer of sabotaging the electoral process,
Pierre-Louis Opont and others think they can pass off
their responsibilities by placing them on the back of an
obscure employee who is supposed to be the mastermind of
the electoral failure. Not only is this not serious, it
is nefarious and takes the entire country for idiots.
Fortunately, Joseph Hébert Lucien, the
sacrificial lamb or the hero of the evening, was not
impressed by the nonsense of the beleaguered CEP
president questioning his future in Haiti or in exile.
According to the CEP’s former head of IT services, it is
not his concern. It is rather Pierre-Louis Opont who
should worry, Lucien says, if the case should go to
court as Opont and Justice Minister Pierre-Richard
Casimir have announced.
Lucien has information that might interest
investigators about what happened in the CEP which has
given birth to this shameful day. Some in Haiti believe
that this unfortunate and irresponsible move by
Pierre-Louis Opont, who wanted to scapegoat this
anonymous employee, has finally sealed his doom as the
head of the electoral body. Nothing can save him from an
end like disgraced former CEP president Gaillot
Dorsinvil, according to others. Since that fateful
Sunday, the country as a whole has risen up and demanded
either the resignation of all the CEP members, or the
outright cancellation of the Aug. 9 vote, or the redoing
of elections in all constituencies where there was no
election. In fact in almost all of Haiti, candidates and
political parties wish and request it. All except the
three most financially prominent parties – PHTK, Vérité
and Bouclier – who are also accused of being the
principal masterminds of the trouble registered around
the entire country.
On Aug. 11, a group of parties, platforms and
personalities gathered at the locale of
FUSION to challenge the Provisional Electoral
Council on the implementation of the process. They
number a dozen, including the Fusion of Social
Democrats, Fanmi Lavalas, Renmen Ayiti, Consortium,
Mouvman Revolisyonè Ayisyen, ALAH, Ayisyen pou
Ayiti, and Sen. François Anick Joseph among others, to
state that "the scale of fraud and irregularities is
such that the results could undermine the rest of the
electoral process as a whole."
These enemy brothers who united their voices to
tell the CEP that they are not ready to swallow this
snake understand "that the results of these elections
can have disastrous consequences for the stability and
peace in the country." They flatly oppose the continued
elections in these conditions and demanded an
independent evaluation commission before continuing the
process.
The Senator of the Artibonite, the former priest
François Anick Joseph, simply called for the arrest of
CEP President Pierre-Louis Opont, saying he is
responsible for this disaster and for wasting millions
of dollars in name of the nation.
As for the political leader Reynold Georges, a
born provocateur speaking on behalf of the party Renmen
Ayiti (Haiti Love) of candidate Jean Henry Céant, at
that meeting, he believed it was wiser for Pierre-Louis
Opont to go at the nearest police station from his home.
In this case, he would avoid the police arresting him
like a common bandit on the streets of Port-au-Prince.
In this unprecedented chorus of criticism from
all political sides and all the social groups in the
country about an election, we were stunned to find that
only the President of the Republic, Michel Martelly,
Prime Minister Evans Paul alias KPlim, the CEP, and of
course the international community, even before waiting
for the reports from their observers, made a flight
forward saying they were satisfied with the conduct of
the elections while recognizing that there was some
irregularities and acts of violence in some polling
centers across the country. But do they argue that these
widespread and severe cases of fraud and violence do not
put in question the legitimacy of these elections?..
Having closely followed the conduct of elections
in most of the European and American countries which
sent observers to Haiti, I remain dumbfounded at the
cynicism they display when giving lessons to Third World
countries seeking democracy, stability, and political
modernity. In their countries, there just needs to be a
single case of clear irregularity in one polling station
and the President's office cancels the vote. Behold, in
Haiti, the entire population has said NO to the
unacceptable. But the international community is trying
to impose on it a propaganda coup and forward flight.
Meanwhile, the CEP continues to count ballots at
the Vote Tabulation Center (CTV) installed at the SONAPI
Industrial Park, not far from the airport, in the
presence of observers from the OAS, EU, and others,
while it is these same observers who are trying to
reassure the press and through it the population....
Finally, according to the Director of the
Tabulation Center, Widmarc Matador, "no one can alter
the results of the Center," he said, "everything is
under perfect control."
If this is how the elections are going to be conducted,
people need to worry... The obstinacy of the team that
controls the electoral machine with a timetable that
everyone has criticized has put things on a steep, even
dangerous, slope not only for the electoral process but
for the future of ten million Haitians. |